India
and China:
from past brotherhood to future partnership
(Talk at Freie Universität, Berlin, on June 1st, 2004)
Tan Chung
Some time around 1957, Chairman Mao Zedong
startled his hosts in the Indian Embassy, Beijing,
by his after-dinner witty talk that "every Chinese wished to reincarnate
in India after
death." There are two historical dimensions of this episode. One, as Mao
disclosed to the modern world, a myth called guixi (literally "return to the west") is a Chinese
social reproduction, viz. people consoling those whose near and dear has passed
away with a sincere wish: "May the deceased return to the Western Heaven."
Today, this sincere wish still survives in Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore,
Malaysia, India, in places where Chinese diaspora have settled around the
world, and even in the Chinese countryside where traditions diehard. This wish
was reproduced in China
for nearly two thousand years by Buddhists who used to call India
xitian (western heaven) or zhongtian ("central heaven,"
i.e., Madhyadesa or present Bihar), and their own
motherland dongtu (eastern land). So,
our fierce revolutionary Mao was the messenger of a precious information from
the sedimentation of Chinese civilization, which has such a soft corner for the
neighboring civilization of India.
The other dimension of the episode is that Mr. R. K. Nehru, the well informed
Indian diplomat—then Indian Ambassador to China—who
was also the nephew of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru was not aware of such a
Chinese wish at all.
To me, the episode epitomizes the romantic story
between two great civilizations, a somewhat one-sided love affair—Chinese
civilization with profound affection for India
while the Indian civilization almost not aware of it. There are some
exceptions, however. Let me cite an observation:
"I am rather reminded of the day when India
claimed you as brothers and sent you her love. That relationship is, I hope,
still there, hidden in the heart of all of us—the people of the East. The path
to it may be overgrown with the grass of centuries, but we shall find traces of
it still." (Das, 1999, 48)
This quote is from the first speech of the first
Indian Nobel laureate (who also is the first non-white to receive the prize),
Rabindranath Tagore, delivered in Shanghai,
in April 1924, just after his arrival in China.
Tagore was making a serious statement that "India
claimed China
as brothers" many centuries ago. Liang Qichao, the famous modern reformer
of China,
welcomed Tagore later in Beijing.
In his public speech, Liang compared Tagore's visit with the historic arrival
of ancient Indian monk, Kasyapa Matanga, at Luoyang in 67 AD, and that of
another great Indian monk, Kumarajiva, in Chang’an in 382 AD (Liang
Qichao quanji /Collected works of Liang Qichao, 1999, 4256). Here,
Tagore and Liang have helped construct a new epistemology of India-China
contacts in the past. Several tens of great Indian monk-scholars went to China
to help create the India-China brotherhood. Today, this brotherhood is vividly
exhibited at famous tourist sites such as Baimasi (Monastery of White Horses)
near Luoyang where two former
Indian Prime Ministers, Narasimha Rao and A.B. Vajpayee visited. Tourists can
see the graveyard of Kasyapa Matanga, the memorial of an Indian pioneer of this
India-China inter-civilizational fraternity.
Liang Qichao's public speech was, later,
translated into English and used by Tagore as "Introduction" in his Talks
in China. This "Introduction" contains a paragraph, I quote:
"During the period when we [China
and India] were
most close and affectionate to one another, it is a pity that this little
brother [China]
had no special gift to offer to its elder brother [India],
whilst our elder brother had given us gifts of singular and precious worth,
which we can never forget." (Das, 1999, 17)
Having said these words, Liang began to itemize
"what we have received." He first made three main points: (1) "India
taught us to embrace the idea of absolute freedom," (2) "India
also taught us the idea of absolute love," and (3) India
"brought us invaluable assistance in the field of literature and art."
Then, he enumerated what he called "minor gifts" in music,
architecture, painting, sculpture, drama, poetry and fiction, astronomy and
calendar, medicine, alphabet, literary style, education method, and social
organization (Das, 1999, 18-23). Tagore, in his speech at Hangzhou,
anticipated Liang's sentiments (that were expressed later in Beijing
after Tagore's arrival there) by saying:
"The man from India
[Huili/Matiyukti(?)] who lived and died here [and created the Chinese legend of
Feilaifeng/'peak flown here from India'], in the midst of those who gathered to
accept the gift he had brought, came, not with a sense of race superiority, or
of the superiority of his religion, but through an exuberance of love which
made him leave his own land. Unimaginable difficulties and discomforts he must
have experienced and a strangeness of life that we do not feel to-day."
(Das, 1999, 50)
The "gift" mentioned by both Liang and
Tagore was nothing else but Buddhism. Buddhism has warmed Chinese to the
abstract image of India—xitian (western heaven) or tianzhu (heavenly India).
Tagore deeply understood the psyche of "the people of East" which is
Eros, not Thanatos, to borrow the Freudian psychoanalysis.
As an expert on Chinese culture, Liang Qichao's
observations quoted above set the tone for further investigation by scholars of
India-China relationship. I have tried my hand in such an investigation albeit
not very thoroughly. I think we can view this
"gift" as a kind of system
integration, i.e. fusing the quintessential Indian and Chinese cultural
elements in the fields of politics, economy, philosophy, culture, geography and
environment to reproduce a higher culture in China. Thus, we can describe the "gift" as
"Sino-Indic ratna/jewels".
The first
ramification of this fusion was the integration of the Indian "temple
culture" into the Chinese "palace culture." By "palace
culture" I mean the mediating scale of China serving exclusively the enrichment and expansion
of the magnificence and grandeur of the imperial palace. India, on the contrary, mediated the geographical
scale in the same manner by revolving not around the king's residences, but
around the religious shrines—I call it "temple culture." Today,
international tourists are flocking China to see the most magnificent monuments of
Buddhism and Buddhist cave art on earth. Even Indian Buddhists go to the sacred
mountains on Chinese soil to pay homage to
four great legendary Indian culture heroes—Avalokitesvara, Manjusri,
Samantabhatra, and Ksitigarbha.
Another
ramification of the Sino-Indic fusion is Tang Emperor Taizong's (who was the
chief architect of Tang Dynasty) arrogating to himself the Buddhist legendary
title of suvarna-cakravartin (in Chinese, jinlunwang). His reign may be regarded as the greatest cakravartin regime in world history. This input
of quintessential cakravartin governmentality created a
strong ruler making wise decisions and caring for people's welfare. This
enabled tens of millions of skilful Chinese to produce agricultural goods and
handicrafts like silk, tea, and porcelain. They, along with Indian products
(like cotton fabrics, jewels, perfumes and spices), were known in Europe as "the
luxury of the East." There has been a theory that it was this
"Eastern luxury" that had stimulated the Italians to revolt against
antiquated European tradition, hence the awakening of the Renaissance. Today,
like the Tang Dynasty twelve centuries ago, China is once again
having a powerful government making wise decisions, leading hundreds of
millions of skilful hands to produce consumer goods for the entire world. And
the country is, once again, attracting great numbers of foreign traders and
investors from all over the globe. This historical parallel reminds us what the
Sino-Indic ratna/jewel had
contributed to the vibrancy of China in the past.
Another ramification of the Sino-Indic fusion was a
historical rage created in China by the
Vimalakirti legend. As a lay man without renouncing the world, Vimalakirti
achieved a status of higher enlightenment than the Bodhisattvas—the highest
goal of the Mahayana Buddhist practice. This role model seems to have been
created specially for China, relaxing
Buddhist taboos, allowing "rich living and high thinking," thus
enabling the materialistic Chinese ruling elite to pursue spiritual
enlightenment. Three great Tang poets personified this Vimalakirti role model.
Wang Wei, whose other name was Wang Mojie, had christened himself "Wang
Vimalakirti" because his two personal names made "Weimojie",
transliteration of "Vimalakirti". Li Bai not only styled himself Qinglian jushi (Chinese name for Nilotpala upasaka/lay Buddhist titled blue lotus"), but explained the
meaning of his title in a poem that he was the reincarnation of jinsu rulai (golden millet Buddha)—a
symbol of Vimalakirti. The third poet was Bai Juyi who consciously worshipped
Vimalakirti, and entitled himself as both Letian
jushi/devananda upasaka/"lay Buddhist who is a happy inmate of
Heaven" and Xiangshan jushi/gandhamadana upasaka/"lay Buddhist
of sacred incense mountain." These three great poets led many others to
fuse poetic inspiration with Buddhist enlightenment, hence poetry became a
process of canchan (practicing dhyana) in Chinese literary vogue,
giving rise to Chan/Zen culture. Later Chinese intellectuals embracing this
Vimalakirti role model included Zhu Xi and Wang Yangming, the twin masters of
the so-called Neo-Confucianism.
Like Marxism, Confucianism has been an ever-developing
and ever-transforming cultural system. The system of Confucianism was first
established by Mencius, the disciple of Confucius' grandson. Then, the ruling
elite under Han Emperor Wu developed it into what is described as "state
Confucianism." Tang Emperor Taizong I have alluded to earlier further
mediated the system through his courtier, Kong Yinda, the famous annotator of the
classics. The definition of tianzi,
the legitimizing title of a Chinese emperor, was defined by Kong as futian mudi, ziyang xiamin (tian/Heaven
as father, di/earth as mother, the
downtrodden people to be fostered as children). This was a great twist meant to
exonerate Emperor Taizong from his sins for violating the Confucian norms by
killing his elder brother, the Crown Prince, and forcing his imperial father to
abdicate the throne in favor of himself. The Neo-Confucianists led by Zhu Xi
and Wang Yangming further bent Confucian theories to internalize Buddhist ideas.
Zhu Xi championed the school called Lixue, and I suspect the word li was translating Sanskrit yukti. Wang Yangming championed the Xinxue school
highlighting the bodhicitta of the
Buddhist discourse—hence it is not out of order to regard Xinxue as the Bodhicitta School.
The contribution of Indian concepts, symbols and imagery
to Chinese literature is well known.
When the French Revolutionary slogans of "liberty" and
"equality" spread overseas, Chinese intellectuals found them already
enshrined in the Buddhist literature—ziyou
for liberty, and pingdeng for
equality. As a matter of fact, in Chinese, Lord Buddha is also designated pingdengwang, sounding like the
"Maharaja of Equality." Here is a refutation of Engels' claim that
the notion of equality first appeared in Christianity. Many other Chinese terms
translating modern Western terminology are of Buddhist/Indian origin, like jiefang for "liberation", juewu for "revolutionary
consciousness", lilun for
"theory", zhihui for
"wisdom," etc. In other words,
the Sino-Indic fusion had already prepared Chinese mind to absorb and digest
modern culture from the Western Hemisphere.
The benevolent Indian influence enriched Chinese
literature and culture, creating a garden of "hundred blooms"
enchanted by exotic imaginations, styles, and genres in addition to
explorations of word power. The popularization of Buddhism in China opened the
gates of reading, writing and learning to the masses whereas they had been
exclusive preserves of a few families earlier. The effect of this open-door revolution created the rage
for information, knowledge, literary pursuits and storytelling in China, involving
even the un-lettered masses that, in turn, created a powerful oral literary
tradition. Chinese literature is the first to create novels.
I don't have time to go through all the details.
Suffice it to mention the example of the powerful symbol of Chinese dragon that
has internalized the Indian myths of nâga.
While dragon was only a beast that pulled carriages and supplied meat in popular
Chinese belief (testified to by Wang Heng of Han Dynasty), now it is the symbol
of power, royalty, vibrancy, and prosperity—after internalizing these cultural
assets from the Indian nâgarâja (in
Chinese, longwang/dragon-king). While
China's native belief never allowed mixing human identity with other creatures,
today on both shores of the Taiwan Strait, people sing out and believe in
"we are the descendants of dragon" (longde chuanren)—incorporating the Indian belief of transmigration.
To analyze in depth, the two civilizational
brothers, India
and China, have
developed a "back-to-back" mode of "social integration"
within and also a "back-to-back" international relationship. They
seem to be aware of the danger of "face-to-face" social integration
based on the suspicion of aggressive individualism with an incurable propensity
of impinging on each other. While the solution of Western civilization is to
introduce checks and balances in human relationship, India
and China have
tried a spiritual solution. The Chinese
solution is to reverse the egocentric human vision kan (seeing) into xing
(introspection), and using fanxing as
a corrective mechanism to the defective, devious and destructive
"face-to-face" human relationship. The Indian solution (which is also
adopted by China)
is the conversion of âtma
(ego/individual self) into paramâtma (self
hallowed by the bounty of God's blessings)—creating Chinese concepts of xiaowo (microcosmic self) and dawo (macrocosmic self). Under the
influence of Buddhism, China has
voluntarily joined India in a cultural
revolution of dharmâgraha
(truth-clinging) replacing âtmâgraha
(egocentrism).
The year 2004 marks the golden jubilee of the
enunciation of Panchashila, the Five Principles of Coexistence, which was
fathered jointly in 1954 by two eminent prime ministers, Jawaharlal Nehru of India and Zhou Enlai of China. The Sanskrit name of this guideline for
international relationship is taken from the Buddhist canon, originally meant
for good conduct of Buddhist devotees. Nehru and Zhou have created it as
international norms guaranteeing good conduct among modern nations. The essence
of Panchashila
is mutual respect, non-aggression and non-interference, as well as win-win. It
sums up the very noble relationship between Indian and Chinese
civilizations for generations. I conceive it as the extension of the
"back-to-back" norms within India
and China to
the international field. These
India-China "back-to-back" relations helped the two great
civilizations avert the "face-to-face" relations among ancient
civilizations of Mesopotamians, Egyptians,
Greeks, Romans and Persians who had bent on destroying each other in the last
three thousand years.
The lofty Himalaya helps create the India-China
"back-to-back" relationship in two ways. First, it is a buffer,
blocking any malicious and avaricious glance when Indians and Chinese looked at
each other in the past. Second, it inspires noble feelings, and is the major
source of inspiration of devapura"—the
Indian concept of paradise. China has not only adopted devapura (translating it into Chinese as tiantang), but also shared with India the idealism of Sumeru (in Chinese Xumishan) which is the cultural
replication of Himalaya. Unfortunately, British colonialism had played a
mischief in demolishing the Himalayan buffer by creating a MacMahan Line on the
map. The newly independent Indian government and the new regime of the People's
Republic of China were unaware of the historical mischief, and came to blows over the
border dispute in 1962. The Cold War and the Sino-Soviet rift were also
instrumental for such an unfortunate clash between the two trans-Himalayan
brothers.
But, the
enduring affection of the past India-China brotherhood could absorb the initial
clash. India declared war on China but continued to maintain diplomatic ties with China, and the Indian ambassador to UN continued to
champion for China's seat in the Security Council in 1963. I might, with your permission,
narrate a famous incident. In December 1962, just after the war was over, Prime
Minister Nehru went to preside over the convocation of Visva-Bharati University. A large crowd of international reporters gathered to hear Nehru to
condemn China since his idealism, reputation, as well as his mental and physical
health had suffered greatly because of the unexpected war. Seeing my father,
Prof. Tan Yun-shan, Dean of Cheena-Bhavana (China House) of the university,
sitting in the audience, Nehru pointedly mentioned him as a symbol of
India-China friendship, and reiterated that India was not at war with Chinese people, and the
"greatness of China.”
All this means
that no force on earth, nor any unexpected happenings, can turn back the
India-China "back-to-back" relationship. In other words, Panchashila
is deeply rooted in India-China relationship in future years. This guarantees
that both countries would not cast any malicious and avaricious glance at each
other, let alone falling into the trap of "fault line war" that the
Harvard professor, Samuel Huntington, has prepared for them. (In his book, The
Clash of Civilizations, Huntington has even set the date of 2010 for "The
United States, Europe, Russia, and India" to fight the global war with "China, Japan and most of Islam".)
Moreover, both
India and China are facing serious challenges from globalization
launched by the Western world. Taking India for instance, she is under the pincer attack of
globalization. India was never a poor country in
all accounts left behind by foreign visitors, from ancient Chinese Buddhist
pilgrims to pre-modern European Christian missionaries. In other words,
"poverty" in India is the creation of British colonialism and
post-colonial Western globalization. Also, India had always been a country of religious
toleration. Till today there is the practice in Punjab of having one child embracing Sikhism and another Hinduism in the same
family echoing the age-old tradition of inter-conversion between Hinduism and
Islam. The genesis of the sickening Hindu-Muslim hatred and conflict raging in India today must be traced to the moment of intrusion
and domination of Western civilization over the sub-continent. While Europe, the motherland of "divide and rule", is now cured of this
fatal malaise, India has to recover from this poisonous European heritage. Similarly, China is facing the daunting task of providing 1/5 of
humanity with decent living and social insurance. India and China are the modern twins of (a) colossal population,
and (b) gigantic joint-family of ethnic and cultural multiplicity. Both have
had a long tradition of bounded-globalization (globalizing within
civilizational boundaries) without any ambition of "outsourcing"
national power and energy offshore. This all the more guarantees their
maintaining Panchashila relationship into the future.
My father's
close association with Nehru and Indira Gandhi (an ex-student of
Visva-Bharati), both Indian prime ministers, enabled me to gain some insight
into India-China relations. Twice when my father went to the Parliament House
to meet the PM, I was also present. In 1960, I saw Nehru expressed his unease
with the "big argument with Chinese leaders" as he described the
border dispute in front of my father. In 1970, I witnessed Indira Gandhi's
inquisitiveness trying to get confirmed from my father (who was also a
schoolmate of Mao Zedong) that Mao was sincere when he had said to Indian
Charge d'Affaires, Brajesh Mishra, "Let us be friends again." Later,
Mr. I.K. Gujral, confirmed in a seminar that the Soviet Union was panicky when they got wind of Mrs. Gandhi's
intention to normalize relations with China, and sent Kosygin to New Delhi to stop it. It was only after the Soviet Union had relaxed her relations with China that Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi, could visit Beijing to break the stalemate in 1988. It was during
that visit that Sonia Gandhi has started her long-standing friendship with China.
Last year, the
now outgoing Indian Prime Minister, A.B. Vajpayee, initiated a joint move, in Beijing, that both the governments would settle the
border dispute by political will steering clear from the legalistic arguments.
This border dispute is practically put aside when the two countries are
strengthening mutual contacts and cooperation because (a) it is a historical
legacy, and (b) it is virtually impossible to guard the border most of which
lies beyond the altitudinal limit for living beings. Two other obstacles
between the two governments, viz. China's friendship with Pakistan, and the refugee government of Dalai Lama in India, have also ceased to be major irritants.
Informed sources reveal an internal speech made by Chinese Chairman, Hu Jintao,
recently, singling out India, Russia and Japan as three key states that would provide
opportunities and challenges for China, and would create problems for China if not handled with care. The Indian
government's accent on befriending and cooperating with China was set by Vajpayee's 2003 China visit, and would surely become more pronounced
by the new Indian regime led by Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh.
Several years
ago, when Ambassador Rangachari was Joint Secretary in charge of East Asia in
the Ministry of External Affairs, New Delhi, he addressed a meeting of Indian
and Chinese business representatives saying what was most wanting in developing
bilateral relations between India and China was the "vested
interests"—people who had strong economic interests at stake. Today, such
"vested interests" are emerging in India, pushing bilateral trade to unprecedented
record. There are bright prospects of India and China, including Taiwan, forging a partnership in ventures of computer
hardware and software. This prospect was specially pronounced in Shanghai in
June 2003 in a forum of Indian and Chinese business leaders inaugurated by
Prime Minister Vajpayee. He reiterated both in Beijing and Shanghai the Indian desire to transcend
India-China bilateral relations to a global vision, uniting one third of
humanity. A prospect of India-China partnership ("friendship and
cooperation") in creating a better world order was reflected both in the
Joint Declaration signed by him and his Chinese counterpart, Wen Jiabao, and
the pronouncements of leaders of both countries during his China visit. It is expected that when the Chinese
Premier visits India in the near future another round of enthusiastic
enunciation of India-China partnership will be voiced while economic contacts,
collaboration, trade and investment are surging forward quietly in a routine
manner. Let us hope for the best.